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Drinking Water and Sanitation
A ccess
to drinking water and sanitation are two of the key indicators of
human well-being. At the Millennium Summit at New York in 2000 and
the World Summit on Sustainable Development at Johannesburg in 2002,
governments explicitly recognized the importance of increasing
access to safe drinking water and basic sanitation as essential
prerequisites for development and the reduction of poverty and set
goals, called the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) to be achieved
for the provision of these amenities. To reach these goals at a
national and global scale, governments, the private sector, and
civil society must raise the priority attached to them in their
work. Experience in developed countries and results from innumerable
studies in the developing ones have shown
that the cost of delivering safe drinking water and basic sanitation
is far lower than the cost of treating the diseases that occur
in their absence. There are few actions that national governments,
international agencies, and donors can take that are of higher
social, economic, or environmental value. The efforts made by
governments, industry, civil society, and others worldwide
during the years since these meetings took place were assessed in a
recent survey undertaken by Development Alternatives for the Global
Governance Initiative of the World Economic Forum and the Swiss
Agency for Development Cooperation. The
assessment, which is based on inputs from experts in the field, a
review of recent surveys, current publications, and relevant
websites, clearly shows that if global efforts continue at
present levels, it is unlikely that the global community will reach
even half way towards meeting the MDGs for safe drinking water and
sanitation.
The Goals
The primary goal for safe drinking water was
established in the Millennium Declaration (of the Millennium Summit,
New York, 2000) as part of the Millennium Development Goals (MDG):
to halve the proportion of the world’s population that
does not have safe access to drinking water by 2015. This was
reiterated in the WSSD Action Plan (Johannesburg, 2002)
and expanded to include basic sanitation: to
halve the proportion of the world’s population that does not have
access to basic sanitation amenities by 2015. The
baseline year for drinking water was specified as 1990 and it is
assumed here that the same baseline year applies for sanitation.
Both Goals are expressed as proportions", i.e., in percentage terms.
According to the United Nations, the world’s population in 1990 was
5.26 billion. For 2015, its best ("medium") projections
expect it to be 7.3 billion.
[ The United Nations
Population Information Network, 2002].The
World Health Organization states that in 1990 there were
approximately 1.126 billion (21% of the world’s population) without
safe drinking water and an estimated 2.361 billion (45% of the
world’s population) without sanitation.
[The Global Water Supply and Sanitation
Assessment 2000 Report of WHO]
It should be noted that at various times, UNICEF, the World Bank,
and other agencies have presented somewhat different numbers and
percentages for 1990, presumably because they based their findings
upon alternative definitions and/or different methodologies for
collecting the data. UNICEF, Progress of Nations, 1997 Water and
Sanitation]. However, the WHO estimates appear to have gained
general acceptance, and much of the recent literature is converging
on them, and so these figures are used here.
The Table
(on the right) shows the numbers and percentages of people without
safe drinking water and basic sanitation in the baseline year and
projected for the target year. If the two goals are fully met,
the number of people without safe drinking water would, over the 25
year time horizon, decrease from 1.13 billion to just under 0.8
billion; and the number of people without sanitation would decrease
from 2.36 billion to 1.64 billion. According to this projection, in
2015, there would still be more than one and a half billion people
without one or both of these basic amenities, a situation which
could hardly be called satisfactory –especially from the point of
view of those who have to live in these conditions. Despite the
modesty of these goals, at the current rate of progress even they
will not be met. There are many other fundamental problems
associated with the statement these goals and the means of measuring
progress towards meeting them. There are wide definitional
variations of what constitutes "safe drinking water" and "basic
sanitation". And each has widely different cost and effort
implications. A further complication arises from different views of
what the terms "access to" and "sustainable" mean for these
amenities and what the term "safe" means for water and "basic" means
for sanitation. Access is often taken to be a facility such as a
standpipe, well, or public toilet within reasonable distance. India,
for example, a household is considered to have access if there is a
water source within one mile (1.6 km). many cases, it is not the
individual or the household access that is measured but the village
as a whole. Where there a water source, it is not necessarily
accessible to all, for whatever reasons physical, economic or
social. In practical terms, it is not clear what providing "basic"
amenities will actually mean, and this will most likely vary in
different contexts and countries. The need to replace old,
dysfunctional infrastructure during the period will further add to
the amount of effort needed meet the goals.
The statement of the
Goals, in terms highly aggregated variables (% of the world’s
population, etc.) belies strong variations among and within regions
and countries between those who have access to these amenities and
those who do not. While the drop in
percentages of people without access is defined precisely, it is
quite difficult to determine what this means in actual numbers,
which is after all what the plans and actions are aiming to
achieve. None of the MDG websites provides such numbers. For
example: how many people were without drinking water and/or
sanitation in 1990 and how many will there be in 2015 if the Goals
are met. This imposes a considerable challenge to identify what
needs to be done, where and by whom.
|
Basic
Need/Amenity |
Drinking Water |
Basic Sanitation |
|
Population in
1990 [UN, Actual, Millions] |
5,260 |
5,260 |
|
Millions without
Amenity in 1990 [WHO] |
1,126
▼ |
2,361
▼ |
|
% of People
without Amenity in 1990 |
21%
▼ |
45%
▼ |
|
% of people
without Amenity in 2015 [MDG] |
10.5%
▼ |
22.5%
▼ |
|
Population in
2015 [UN, Med. Proj., Millions] |
7,300
▼ |
7,300
▼ |
|
Millions
without Amenity in 2015 [MDG] |
770 |
1,640 |
The Goals are, therefore, not
particularly ambitious nor defined precisely enough to enable actors
at various levels or in different sectors to formulate specific
methods to operationalize strategies to meet them and monitor
progress towards them. But they are the goals we have,
hammered out through difficult negotiations and committed to at the
highest levels of national government. It is therefore important to
find ways to work with governments, the international community, as
well as the private sector and civil society, to accelerate the
process of attaining these goals, however unambitious they might be.
Water and
Sanitation – Today and Tomorrow
Inputs from experts, in this
survey, and from recent publications and assessments indicate a
broad consensus that not enough effort is being made to achieve the
MDGs for water and sanitation. According to the World Bank, “at
present rates of service expansion, about 37% of the developing
world is on track to reach the water supply target and about 16% to
reach the sanitation target. When viewed on a country basis, the
picture is more dire … no more than 20% of countries are “on
track”. One of the expert respondents provided a graph prepared by
WaterAid, UK, reflecting the progress made towards meeting these
goals in Africa.
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Africa Millennium Goals to halve the proportions of people
without Access to water and Sanitation by 2015 |
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In other regions of the world,
including several countries in Latin America and Asia (eg, China,
India, and the Philippines) the trend is somewhat more positive but
still probably not sufficient to meet the goals, particularly the
one for sanitation. For example, since 1985, the Chinese government,
supported by the World Bank, has developed its Rural Water Supply
and Sanitation Program. Under this program, approximately six
million households have benefited from improved services.
To meet the goals for safe drinking water and basic sanitation, a
wide variety of initiatives are needed. These include information
and research generation and dissemination, creating incentives,
establishing appropriate institutions, formulating relevant polices
and legislation, and effective and equitable allocation of
resources.
In the area of Information, respondents felt that the effort in
creating public awareness was somewhat higher than the average for
other interventions, particularly in the organization of
water-related events and introduction of new publications. A few
respondents suggested that currently water could be said to be the
“flavor of the month”, given the numbers of international and
national conferences being held on the subject, the media attention
being given to this issue, and active promotion by the United
Nations in 2003 as the international year of freshwater. However,
little seems to have been done to inject these concerns into school
curricula. This reflects the overwhelming international dimension
of this issue, which has seen limited implementation at the local
level. Research, both in the form of surveys and mapping of these
issues and in the development of new technologies was also
considered far short of that needed to meet the goals.
Information has the potential at the community level to be an
effective means to improve sanitation practices. Small gains can be
made, although ‘bigger’ issues such as improving long term
availability of water are harder to address at this level. In terms
of better hygiene practices, water users at the community level
benefit from information on how to draw and consume water safely,
and about safe habits of hygiene and sanitation. For example,
in the 1990s, an
initiative in Central America documented results from a study of
four private soap companies which launched hand washing campaigns in
Guatemala, Costa Rica, and El Salvador in collaboration with the
public sector. The result in Guatemala was a recorded 30% increase
in correct hand washing behavior in mothers, and 320,00 fewer cases
of diarrhea per year in poor children under 5.
Introduction of specific incentive systems, primarily by governments
and for corporations in the form of pricing, tax measures and
subsidies were found to be generally inadequate. Programs to
promote water and sanitation infrastructure in rural areas, such as
the Swajal program in India financed by the World Bank have yet to
be evaluated, let alone replicated on a wide scale. Although
official programs are becoming more participatory in their design
and implementation, they still suffer from being driven by top-down,
technology, and target imperatives, rather than bottom-up measures
which are inclusive of those who most need it. Official programs
also suffer from short-term outlook, and many of these incentives
have been seen to accelerate delivery of water and sanitation
services at the expense of longer term sustainability.
Much of the debate on accelerating the provision of safe drinking
water, particularly in urban areas of the Third World has revolved
around such issues as pricing, cost recovery based systems, and
privatization of delivery services. These are certainly important
for reasons of both scalability and sustainability, However, there
seems to be a broad consensus that equity considerations demand that
other factors such as stakeholder participation, community control
and empowerment and, ultimately, public sector responsibility must
be central to the design of any viable improvement to the provision
of water and sanitation.
Privatization of water is often suggested as a means of improving
the efficiency of delivering this vital resource, particularly in
urban areas and to industry. However, in the absence of strong
institutions of governance to enforce universal service provision,
this strategy rarely leads to equitable access to water for all.
Even without the establishment of formal mechanisms, it was pointed
out by a researcher that de facto privatization of drinking water is
already taking place – on a large (but relatively invisible) scale.
For example, the expenditure on bottled drinking water in India in
2002 was $ 370 Million, growing at some 80% per year. At this rate,
the expenditure on bottled drinking water will exceed the entire
national budget for municipal drinking water supply within the next
three or four years. Unfortunately, the implications of this
trajectory for solving the drinking water problem of the country are
quite stark: some ten to twenty million people, those who most
influence policies and budget allocations, will have insulated
themselves from the drinking water problems of the remaining one
billion. It is not difficult to imagine how this would affect the
setting of national priorities and what the impact could be, both on
the vast majority and on the attainment of the MDGs. This goes to
the heart of the equity issue. Those groups most at risk of getting
inadequate water supply and sanitation have the least capacity to
bring about policy changes that could redress the problem. As a
result, the poor and other under-represented groups including
indigenous populations and women, are ultimately the first to suffer
– they end up by having to pay more for their drinking water;
sometimes a lot more. According to a recent article in The
Economist (July 2003), the poor in Bangkok pay local vendors 14
times the price of piped water. The equivalent markup is 40 times
in Manila and an even more exorbitant 489 times in Delhi.
Measures to promote cost recovery should be designed to promote
efficiency and sustainability, but must also account for wide
variations in payment capacity.
China’s Rural
Water Supply and Sanitation program is referred to as an example of
high payment compliance,
with households metered and a strong incentive system whereby the
salaries of the operations staff are tied to monthly bill
collection. Payment compliance is high, usually over 90 percent.
When existing tariffs do not cover operating costs, they are raised.
Although the focus, and indeed the success of this approach is
overwhelmingly economic, there is some, provision for fairness in
the pricing structure. For example, households with individual
piped water connections pay more than households receiving lower
levels of service. And, legitimate regulation is practiced by the
County Price Bureaus, which play a watchdog role that protects the
interests of consumers, the rural poor, and providers.
The development of
institutional mechanisms is given a rating of 4. Research, capacity
building, program evaluation systems, and systems of accountability
each were rated at about 4. Inter-sector co-ordination,
particularly that between social sectors (which are described in the
official language as Type 2 partnerships) was seen by experts to be
taking off but still had a long way to go. The influence of NGOs,
both international and national, appears to be growing and in some
countries, such as South Africa and India, they play an increasing
role in the design and delivery of water and sanitation systems. In
general, NGOs have the unique potential to enhance capacity, in a
largely apolitical context. Nascent “Type 2” partnerships can be
expected to expand, although not many examples can be found yet in
the literature.
There appears to be a sense that in the adoption of more general
policies, governments have done slightly better than for some of the
other actions needed, for example because of the policy papers
prepared by governments and for specific commitments made and
legislation enacted. Partially as a result of the MDGs and the
Johannesburg Plan of Action, national policies and programs for
water and sanitation are being accorded higher priority than before
by governments such as those of the Bolivia, Philippines, and
Senegal. But much remains to be done before national policies and
legislation on water and sanitation can be said to reflect
international goals and objectives, which include a stronger
emphasis on the alleviation of poverty. It is not enough that
policies reflect the technical challenges. Policies need to shift
from building infrastructure and standpipes and toilets, to ensuring
that existing capacity is optimally used to meet consumer demand.
And although better policy and legislation can be enacted, the
implementation of these national level initiatives, even if they
reflect international MDGs, remains a challenge.
Actual resources allocated for both safe drinking water and
sanitation were seen to be entirely inadequate. Few respondents
believed that new sources of funding were being developed at the
magnitude needed. The importance of spending on water and
sanitation infrastructure is gaining ground in the views of both
international development agencies and governments, but the amounts
allocated are still well below what is needed – and the amounts
spent are even less. According to the March 2003 Report of the
World Bank, the current annual expenditure of $15 Billion on water
and sanitation globally is half of what is needed to meet the goals.
The overall conclusion was that there would be a substantial
shortfall in meeting the MDGs, modest though they were.
Having said this, it must be noted that the provision of both
drinking water and sanitation is not necessarily very difficult, nor
inordinately expensive. Technologies exist and so do the resources.
It is now principally a matter of focusing the energies of the
respective sectors of society to deliver these amenities as a matter
of priority.
An example which demonstrates this point is the low-income city of
El Alto in Bolivia. The city has 600,000 inhabitants. With
government and bilateral support from SIDA, a private concessionaire
has improved water and sanitation. With the aim of connecting the
greatest number of households, “condominial” low-cost technology was
used. Investment costs were reduced by laying small-diameter pipe at
shallow depths within sidewalks and yards rather than under streets
and drawing communities themselves into all phases of planning and
execution. Using this approach all households in El Alto were
connected to the water supply. Further, with cooperation from the
government, sewerage standards have been modified to allow
condominial technology that is affordable for low-income households.
Condominial systems, have proven to be cost-effective compared to
conventional water supply and sewerage technology as well as
affordable by poorer households. In terms of the resources
allocated, more efficient and innovative use of available funds and
technology can, with an adequate level of political will and
consumer demand, have impressive results.
Conclusion
The actions assessed in this survey
complement each other. Concentrating on a single action alone will
weaken the mutually reinforcing benefits of these various
approaches. The MDGs are becoming well known, but the challenge
remains to implement actions to achieve these goals in the given
time frame. The focus must now shift to bottom-up measures, with
greater inclusiveness of local communities, and a greater focus on
institutions and of equity. Policies and legislation need to reflect
these overall goals and their targets and avoid being a simple
restatement of aspirational goals.
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